May 11, 1861, page 290 (1-2)
At the time we write it seems likely that the Border Slave
States, with the exception of Delaware and Maryland, will make common cause with the
rebels against the United States Government. There is much talk about
"neutrality" in Kentucky, Missouri, and Tennessee. In this case
"neutrality" means a covert alliance with rebels, and treasonable willingness to
supply them with aid and comfort. The Government will regard such "neutrals" as
enemies, and will deal with them accordingly. Maryland aspires to a similar position of
neutrality; but geographical necessity will compel the Government to lay hands on her at
the outset of the war, and it is therefore not worth while to estimate her among the
parties to the conflict. Delaware alone, of the Border Slave States, evinces loyalty to
the Union.
The war which has now begun will therefore be waged by the
Free States, on one side, against thirteen Slave States on the other, to wit: Virginia,
North and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas,
Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri.
The population of the Free States, by the census of 1860,
amounts to 18,950,759;; the free population of the thirteen rebellious States to
7,657,395considerably less than half that of their opponents.
In the Free States every man able to bear arms is at the
service of the Government. In the rebellious States a certain number of men are required
at home to keep in subjection 3, 912,096 slaves. By a law of Louisiana planters are
obliged to keep on their plantations a sufficient force of white men to resists a negro
insurrection. Custom renders the same practice imperative in the other Slave States. Thus,
from the 7,657,395 whites of the rebellious States must be deducted a large body of adult
males, who are required at home to defend the women and children from the negroes. It is
with the balance only that the Government will have to deal.
In modern warfare, however, success is won not so much by
numbers as by money. The longest purse, in the long-run, infallibly wins the day. The
comparative wealth of the two sections thus becomes a matter of the highest moment. In the
Banks of the States now constituting the Southern Confederacy, there is at present about
$20,000,000 in specie: in the Banks of the Border States about $5,000,000 more. With the
exception of the Banks of New Orleans, all the Banks of the Gulf States, of North
Carolina, and of Virginia, and many of those of Tennessee and Kentucky, are insolvent,
have suspended specie payments, and issue notes which are uncurrent except at an enormous
discount. In the three cities of New York, Philadelphia, and Boston, the Banks hold about
$51,000,000 in specie, and the sub-treasuries and mint about $15,000,000 more. Notes of
Western Banks, secured by deposits of Slave State stocks are greatly depreciated. But the
currency of Pennsylvania, New York, and New England is at par. It is now well known that
the attempt to negotiate $5,000,000 of Confederate Bonds, ten days ago, was a failure,
notwithstanding the terrorism exercised by the rebel press. When our Government asked for
$8,000,000, $34,000,000 were offered, notwithstanding the opposition of leading
newspapers. The Southern Savings Banks contain so little money that the amount is not
worth recording in statistical reports: in New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, the
working-classes have deposited some $130,000,000 in Savings Banks. The Government of the
United States can borrow, without difficulty, and at a moderate rate of interest, a
hundred millions a year at New York for two or three years, if so much be required to
suppress the rebellion: the rebel Government can not borrow ten millions at home, or ten
cents abroad. If, therefore, money be the sinew of war, as historians assure us, a very
brief campaign must settle the question in favor of the North.
Mechanical appliances are as essential in war as men and
money. In these the pre-eminence of the North is unquestionable. The Southern States are a
purely agricultural region. Mechanical arts can not thrive side by side with slavery.
There is a foundery at Richmond, Virginia, at which arms and munitions of war are
manufactured, and there are one or two other small shops in other Southern States where
Northern mechanics make a few guns. But, with sparse exceptions, every pistol, rifle,
musket, cannon, bayonet, sword, and bowie-knife, and every pound of powder, every box of
caps, every cartridge, every shell, every fuse, and every bullet or ball that is used by
the Southern troops was made at the North, and can not be replaced at the South. From the
hour the United States occupy the Richmond foundery, and blockade the Southern ports, the
supply of arms to the rebels will be stopped. Every cartridge burned after that time will
be an irretrievable loss. Nor is there any chance that founderies will be established at
the South. Slaveholders dare not. The most magnificent pasture-lands in America are
untilled because the Southern whites dare not trust their slaves with scythes to mow hay;
much less could they suffer armories and factories to be established where negroes might
obtain powder, ball, and edged tools. In the North, on the other hand, the prospect is
that every adult male will, in the course of a few weeks, be supplied with the most
perfect weapons of modern warfare, and that the highest efforts of mechanical skill and
modern engineering talent will be at the service of the Government.
Again, in wars between regions which have both a large
coast surface, much depends on the respective tonnage of the belligerents. In this respect
the power of the Government is to the power of the rebels as four hundred to one. Where
they have a thousand tons the Government has four hundred thousand. All the great
steamships and clipper vessels, all the fast yachts, and the bulk of the small steamers
and propellers are owned at the North. New York alone can fit out, in thirty days, a fleet
sufficient to capture every Southern vessel and blockade every Southern port. Mr.
Jefferson Davis committed a sad blunder in organizing a system of privateering. He may
tempt half a dozen pirates to seize a few of our merchant ships. But he has certainly
secured the ultimate extirpation of Southern vessels from the face of the deep. In six
months from this time there will not be a craft afloat that will dare to hail from any
port south of the capes of the Delaware.
What, then, can the South hope from this absurd rebellion?